KALEGORRIA magazine has accused in the Court and in an international
press conference, the existence of an organisation whose aim is
to kill Basque citizens. This organisation is created by the Spanish
State and, more specifically, by the Guardia Civil (military Spanish
police) and its Intelligence National Centre (before called CESID).
This means the comeback again by the Spanish government to the
illegal methods of dirty war. Plans to stablish this organisation
in possession of Kalegorria and that we enclose in this information,
show how the previously mentioned institutions planned to create
a para-military group composed by 3 commandos whose members were
selected from Spanish far-right groups (Ultra and Falangist) and
have direct conections with the Spanish political group in the
power, the Partido Popular (PP). Thiese connections with the Spanish
Conservative party are very close as some of them have even been
included in their local elections lists.
According to the plans reached to Kalegorria, the main objective
of this new group will be to kill at least 35 Basque citizens
involved with the Basque separatist cause.
Journalists of KALEGORRIA magazine took this case to the Instruction
Court number 3 of Donostia (San Sebastian) on Tuesday 2nd July
2002. They have also given a press conference in Baiona on Weds
3rd July 2002. Some of the documents proving the previously stated
and used as evidence in the press conference and in court are
the following:
Graffiti by Falange:
Members of Falange training. (Falange= fascist group that Francoism
was based on):
Charges pressed by Kalegorria journalists in the Instruction
Court number 3 in Donostia (1 of 3):
Charges pressed by Kalegorria journalists in the
Instruction Court number 3 in Donostia (2 of 3):
Documentation given by ‘Manu’ showing
the organisation’s structure and methodology information
(3 of 5):
Documentation given by ‘Manu’ showing
the organisation’s structure and methodology information
(4 of 5):
The new Spanish government chose repression against
the Basque nationalist movement instead of the dialogue and peace
process which were happening around the world: South Africa, Northern
Ireland, Palestine, etc. They were the continuists of Franco’s
fascist legacy.
However, after the collapse experienced by the
government of PSOE (social democrats) ( 1982-1996) it seem clear
that if PP wanted to remain in power in this new and democratic
Europe they had to stick to the democratic principles. No more
shots and executions by the police like in Franco times; no more
para-military activities like in UCD and PSOE times.
PSOE’s collapse and loose of the majority was
due to their involvement of the organisation and the funding through
state funds of the para-military group GAL, responsible for the
death of 27 Basques (some of them not even related to the separatist
movement) in about 40 different actions. PP has used all the tools
available in their repression against the Basque nationalist movement,
from police repression, to the legal one led by Judge Garzón
and that started with the closure of newspaper EGIN and the imprisonment
of HB’s MPs, the ilegalization of groups and persecution
of activists, journalists, closure of magazines, etc.
The legal repression continued with the passing
of the Juvenile Law aiming to the prosecution of youths accused
in involvement in riots as over-18 accuses, and the recently passed
in the Spanish Parliament, Parties Law aiming to ban parties who
support the armed struggle. This latest one is clearly aimed to
the Basque separatist party Batasuna. PP continued some old repressive
tactics like the use of the anti-terrorist law, use of torture,
the prisoners’ dispersion and the militarisation of Basque
Country. PP have showed determination not to give in to any separatist
movement and to defence the unity of Spain that inherited from
Franco.
However and since before they got to power (this
was announced well before PSOE’s defeat due to its collapse)
they became target of ETA who was also determine to show that
once in power they had the responsibility of negotiating with
them. PP has used the old story that ETA is finished, but ETA
has showed continuity no matter how beaten it was. PP has showed
determination in not dealing with terrorists. So, when ETA declared
a ceasefire in 2000 which lasted 14 months, PP ignored completely.
Among their arguments and rethoric you can find ‘the Basque
conflict is not comparable with Northern Ireland’, @the IRA
has showed good willing but ETA doesn’t, or even the denial
of a conflict at all.
However the price paid by PP has been high. The
temptation to use their powers in a secretive way is there as
the possibilities are plenty and the results better than the achieved
with the usual repression. Like in this case, to opt for the para-military
option just shows the desesperation of a state to stop a movement
by any means and that after using all the possible resources has
just left the option of illegality.
Many doubted that after the PSOE experience another
government will try the same path, but this just demonstrates
that to ignore a conflict and to pretend to defeat just by repression
this one needs to escalate to the same level. At least the conflict
is accepted and negotiation put into practice.
The para-military option - an option with long
history.
As we mentioned before, the opption chosen by PP
now it’s not new. Para-militarism implies the development
of organisation from military embryos but officially independent
from its control. They have been used all over and still nowadays
in many conflicts like Mexico (Chiapas, Oaxaca, Guerrero), Colombia,
Turkey/Kurdistan, etc. and like it has been showed in receant
TV programs in northern Ireland too.
These groups will achieved with illegal methods
what the institutions and repressive bodies can’t sticking
to the legality. The government directly or through police and/or
army will provide to their para-militaries commandos funds, weapons,
information and other resources needed to achieve their goals.
These ones will operate under the guise of other
terrorist groups and the government and police/army will denied
any connection with them. So it ahs been reproduced in the many
known examples and that at some point are unveiled showing all
the plot.
In Spain, the para-military experience started in
the last years of Franco’s dicatorship where the resistance
against this system was going from strength to strength. It was
the time wher two infamous groups started: the Batallón
Vasco Español (BE) and the Triple A (AAA). Both were groups
with connection with the police and where fascists as far away
as Argentine and Italy where recruited to cause terror in leftist
and separatist demonstrations.
The GAL started under the PSOE government. A government
who chose to continue the same line drawn by Franco of indivisibility
of Spain. Yes, they made some concessions to the Basque cause
but never recognising the culture and nation that had been oppressed
for so many centuries. Their only option was once again repression.
And the only option was once again the dirty war.
The continuity of the same army and police that
guaranteed Franco’s agenda made things easy. But the new
democracy system showed that no every thing was like under the
dictator but that things and even the state could be question.
To sudden extent, because prime ministers, presidents kings, queens,
ministers, etc. have right not to attend court cases. The state’s
responsibility may result legally unchallenged but the evidence
shows otherwise.
Dirty War, Clean Hands
Wednesday, July 3, 2002
ETA, the GAL and Spanish Democracy
Paddy Woodworth
"Democracy is defended in the sewers as well as in the
salons". This is how Spanish prime minister Felipe González
responded to allegations that his government was fighting the
Basque separatist group ETA with its own methods: indiscriminate
terrorism. shooting up crowded bars, bombing busy streets, torturing
kidnap victims. For three years the GAL (Anti-terrorist Liberation
Groups), created mayhem in the French Basque Country, where ETA
had its "sanctuary".
In 1986, the French government began to hand over
ETA suspects to the Spanish police in large numbers and the GAL
campaign stopped. But this "dirty war" had already created
widespread support for ETA among the first generation of Basques
to grow up under democracy, and its consequences reverberate to
this day. The GAL's links to the Spanish security forces, and
finally to González's own cabinet, have been revealed,
despite all the resources of 'State secrecy', by controversial
magistrates like Baltasar Garzón.
Over the last 15 years, the GAL scandal has fatally
undermined González's reputation as a democrat and EU statesman
and raised fundamental questions about Spain's much-praised transition
to democracy. The GAL investigations have stretched the relationship
between government and judiciary to breaking point, and sent ministers
and generals to prison. González himself may still face
charges.
Paddy Woodworth, who has covered Spain for the "Irish
Times" and other media since the 1970s, has interviewed both
the GAL's surviving victims and the GAL's leading protagonists.
He has followed the investigations in the Spanish media and courts
for many years. The result is a unique and dramatic narrative
and analysis of what happens when a democratic administration
fights fire with fire.
